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China US Trade War, FT 2018

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Donald Trump is wrong: China is not Mexico | Financial Times
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Opinion US-China trade dispute
Donald Trump is wrong: China is not Mexico
MARTIN WOLF
Martin Wolf YESTERDAY
“When a country (USA) is losing many billions of dollars on trade with virtually every
country it does business with, trade wars are good, and easy to win.” This tweet of March 2
set out the aims and means of Donald Trump’s trade policy. The apparent victory over
Canada and Mexico and the signing of a new trade deal will convince him he is right. But
China is not Mexico.
The US president believes if a country sells more goods to a trade partner than it buys, it
has “won”. He also thinks that if it buys more goods from a trading partner than it sells, it
can “win” a protectionist war, because the other side has more to lose. These two
convictions — bilateral mercantilism and asymmetric balance of pain — are his guides. His
policy is to use the way in which the US “loses” to secure victory. Since the US is also the
most powerful country in any bilateral relationship, it has to win.
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Donald Trump is wrong: China is not Mexico | Financial Times
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Serious economists, back to Adam Smith, would insist that seeking a surplus with every
trading partner is not “winning”. It is absurd. This is not even intelligent mercantilism,
which would focus on the overall balance. Yet, particularly with free capital flows, overall
balance is a foolish goal and one that trade policy cannot achieve. It is incredible that such
primitive ideas rule the most sophisticated country on earth.
Put the sense of this to one side. Are trade wars easy for a superpower to win against
countries with large bilateral trade surpluses? The answer is “yes and no”. Mexico’s
exports to the US were 28 per cent of gross domestic product in 2017, while Canada’s were
19 per cent. US exports to Mexico were only 1.3 per cent of GDP, while its exports to
Canada were 1.5 per cent. When countries are as asymmetrically dependent as Canada and
Mexico, some sort of victory is likely. In a bilateral negotiation, the US was likely to get
much of what it wanted (though it seems not to have got it all).
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Donald Trump is wrong: China is not Mexico | Financial Times
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China is a different story. Its exports to the US are a substantially larger share of its GDP
than vice versa, at 4.1 per cent, against 0.7 per cent, in 2017. China’s bilateral surplus was
about 3.1 per cent of its GDP, which is far down from the 10.2 per cent in 2006. Imagine
that the US imposed prohibitive tariffs on all its exports. One might think the effect would
be to lower China’s GDP by 4.1 per cent. One would be wrong. US exports to China would
also fall, as Chinese retaliation bites. Furthermore, a third of the value added in China’s
exports is imported. Chinese exporters could also sell their goods elsewhere.
In the end, the fall in China’s GDP in such a trade war would be less than 2 per cent, other
things equal. This is about four month’s growth. Moreover, it would not be hard for China
to offset such a loss of demand. Meanwhile, the overall US trade balance would probably
not change a wit, since that is determined by domestic supply and demand.
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Donald Trump is wrong: China is not Mexico | Financial Times
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While Beijing prefers a deal, it will not pay a high price. All Chinese are taught about the
“century of humiliation”. Xi Jinping, China’s president, is in a strong domestic position.
Yet even he might not survive grovelling before a bully.
Mr Trump has made two characteristic mistakes. First, he has over-reached. China cannot
deliver bilaterally balanced trade because it is unable to force Chinese people to buy goods
they do not want. The point about US trade with China is not that its imports are so high:
relative to GDP, they are much the same as the EU’s. The difference is the low level of its
exports. That shows lack of competitiveness. Finally, China will not abandon hopes of
technological upgrading. No power would.
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Second, he has exaggerated US power. In other areas of trade policy, deals might be done.
One could imagine changes in Chinese policy on intellectual property and exclusion of US
companies. One could imagine a deal in which China gave up developing-country status,
in return for being treated as a market economy. But to achieve these outcomes, or better,
Mr Trump needs allies, especially the EU and Japan, whom he despises, maybe because
they are not tyrannies. But it is not clear he wants such deals: if intellectual property were
better protected, yet more US companies would invest in China. That seems the opposite
of what he wants.
Mr Trump might surprise us by trumpeting the greatest trade deal in history in which he
gets rather little. But suppose the conflict escalates instead, ending up with high bilateral
tariffs. Who wins? The broad answer is nobody: trade is disrupted, the rules-governed
trading system is devastated, relations between the US and China are damaged and the
world becomes more perilous.
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Yet, which side loses more? This is difficult to model, because no one knows what would
happen. One possibility, analysed by the European Central Bank, is that the conflict goes
global. Even the Trump administration might realise that trade diversion is working
against them: they stop imports from China and get them from, say, Vietnam. So they go
for a 10 per cent across-the-board tariff. The rest of the world retaliates with a 10 per cent
tariff on the US. In this case, argues the ECB, the US loses in the short run and China even
gains. In a trade war, the larger economy loses less, because the trade it loses is less
important to it. The rest of the world’s economy is three times bigger than that of the US.
The US could get a deal on intellectual property and market liberalisation with China. But
it cannot get a deal on balancing bilateral trade or stopping China’s economic
development. It could get such a deal by co-operating closely with allies. If the US persists
with pure bilateralism, it will not win. But it will do damage to itself, trade, the world
economy and international relations. Trade wars are not good. With great powers, they are
not easy to win either.
martin.wolf@ft.com
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2018. All rights reserved.
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